Biography of Manuel Noriega, Panamanian Dictator

Manuel Noriega was a Panamanian general and dictator who ruled the Central American nation from 1983 to 1990. Like other Latin American authoritarian leaders, he was initially supported by the U.S., but then fell out of favor because of his drug smuggling and money laundering activities. His reign ended with Operation Just Cause, the U.S. invasion of Panama in late 1989 in order to oust him. Fast Facts: Manuel Noriega Full Name: Manuel Antonio Noriega MorenoKnown For: Dictator of PanamaBorn: February 11, 1934 in Panama City, PanamaDied: May 29, 2017 in Panama City, PanamaParents: Ricaurte Noriega, Marà ­a Feliz MorenoSpouse: Felicidad SieiroChildren: Sandra, Thays, LorenaEducation: Chorrillo Military Academy in Peru, Military Engineering, 1962. School of the Americas.Fun  Fact: In 2014, Noriega filed a lawsuit against a video game company, Activision Blizzard, for damaging his reputation by portraying him as a kidnapper, murderer, and enemy of the state in the game Call of Duty: Black Ops II. The lawsuit was quickly dismissed. Early Life Noriega was born in Panama City to Ricaurte Noriega, an accountant, and his maid Marà ­a Feliz Moreno. His mother gave him up for adoption at the age of five and died of tuberculosis soon after. He was raised in the Terraplà ©n slums of Panama City by a schoolteacher whom he referred to as Mama Luisa. Despite his marginalized background, he was admitted to a prestigious high school, the Instituto Nacional. He had dreams of pursuing a career in psychology, but did not have the means to do so. His half-brother obtained a scholarship for Noriega at the Chorrillo Military Academy in Lima, Peru—he had to falsify Noriegas records because he was over the age limit. Noriega graduated with a degree in military engineering in 1962. Rise to Power While a student in Lima, Noriega was recruited as an informant by the CIA, an arrangement that continued for many years. When Noriega returned to Panama in 1962, he became a lieutenant in the National Guard. Although he began to acquire a reputation as a thug and violent sexual predator, he was deemed useful to U.S. intelligence and attended military intelligence training both in the U.S. and at the infamous U.S.-funded School of the Americas, known as the school for dictators, in Panama. Noriega had a close relationship with another Panamanian dictator, Omar Torrijos, who was also a graduate of the School of the Americas. Torrijos continued to promote Noriega, although the latters many episodes of drunken, violent behavior and accusations of rape stalled his advancement. Torrijos protected Noriega from prosecution, and in exchange, Noriega did much of Torrijos dirty work. In fact, Torrijos referred to Noriega as my gangster. While the two carried out many targeted attacks on their rivals, they did not engage in the mass killings and disappearances that were utilized by other Latin American dictators, like Augusto Pinochet. Panamanian strongman Brigadier General Omar Torrijos, surrounded by supporters, addresses the nation on television following his return to Panama 12/16.   Bettmann / Getty Images Noriega had cleaned up his behavior by the time he met his wife, Felicidad Sieiro, in the late 1960s. His newfound discipline allowed him to rise quickly in the ranks of the military. During Torrijos reign, he became head of Panamanian intelligence, largely by collecting information on various politicians and judges and blackmailing them. By 1981, Noriega was receiving $200,000 per year for his intelligence services for the CIA. When Torrijos died mysteriously in a plane crash in 1981, there was no established protocol regarding a transfer of power. Following a struggle between military leaders, Noriega became the head of the National Guard and de-facto ruler of Panama. The combined Torrijos-Noriega period of rule (1968-1989) is described by some historians as one long military dictatorship. Noriegas Rule Unlike Torrijos, Noriega was not charismatic, and he preferred to rule from behind the scenes as commander of the powerful National Guard. In addition, he never espoused a specific political or economic ideology, but was motivated primarily by nationalism. In order to present his regime as non-authoritarian, Noriega held democratic elections, but they were overseen and manipulated by the military. Repression and human rights abuses increased after Noriega took power. The turning point in Noriegas dictatorship came with the brutal assassination of his most outspoken political opponent, Hugo Spadafora, a physician and revolutionary who had gotten his medical degree in Italy and fought with the Nicaraguan Sandinistas when they overthrew the Somoza dictatorship. According to historian Frederic Kempe, Hugo Spadafora was the anti-Noriega. Spadafora was charismatic and operatically handsome; Noriega was introverted and legendarily repulsive. Spadafora was optimistic and fun-loving (...) Noriegas character was as scarred as his pock-marked face. Dr. Hugo Spadafora, 39, former Deputy Health Minister of Panama who led a volunteer brigade against the Somoza government in 1979, tells a news conference in Mexico City he has offered to send an International Brigade to battle the U.S. backed Salvadoran junta.   Bettmann / Getty Images Spadafora and Noriega became rivals when the former publicly accused the latter of engaging in drug and arms trafficking and blackmail around 1980. Spadafora also warned Torrijos that Noriega was plotting against him. After Torrijos death, Noriega placed Spadafora under house arrest. However, Spadafora refused to be intimidated and spoke out even more forcefully against Noriegas corruption; he even suggested Noriega had been involved in Torrijos death. Spadafora moved his family to Costa Rica after receiving many death threats but vowed to continue fighting against Noriega. On September 16, 1985, Spadaforas body was found in a ravine near the Costa Rican-Panamanian border. He had been decapitated and his body showed evidence of horrific forms of torture. His family had published ads in a Panamanian newspaper, La Prensa, about his disappearance, demanding an investigation. Noriega claimed the murder had taken place on the Costa Rican side of the border, but evidence emerged (including witnesses) to prove that Spadafora had been detained in Panama after coming into the country on a bus from Costa Rica. When La Prensa published further evidence that Noriega was behind the assassination not only of Spadafora but of other political opponents, there was a public uproar. Relationship With the U.S. As it had done with Torrijos, the U.S. not only trained Noriega, but tolerated his authoritarian rule until his final years. The U.S. was primarily interested in protecting its economic interests in the Panama Canal (which it had funded and built), and dictators guaranteed the stability of Panama, even if it meant widespread repression and human rights abuses. Furthermore, Panama was a strategic ally for the U.S. in its fight against the spread of communism in Latin America during the Cold War. The U.S. looked the other way with regards to Noriegas criminal activity, which included drug smuggling, gun running, and money laundering, because he provided assistance with the covert Contra campaign against the socialist Sandinistas in neighboring Nicaragua. Following the revelations of the Spadafora assassination and Noriegas dismissal of Panamas democratically-elected president in 1986, the U.S. changed tactics and began reducing economic assistance to Panama. An expose of Noriegas criminal activities appeared in The New York Times, indicating that the U.S. government had long been aware of his actions. Like so many other Latin American dictators initially supported by the U.S.—such as Rafael Trujillo and Fulgencio Batista—the Reagan administration began to see Noriega as more of a liability than an asset. In 1988, the U.S. charged Noriega with drug trafficking, arguing that he was a threat to the safety of U.S. citizens living in the Panama Canal Zone. On December 16, 1989, Noriegas troops killed an unarmed U.S. Marine. The next day, General Colin Powell suggested to President Bush that Noriega be removed by force. Operation Just Cause On December 20, 1989, Operation Just Cause, the largest U.S. military operation since the Vietnam War, began with Panama City being targeted. Noriega fled to the Vatican Embassy, but—after U.S. forces utilized psyop tactics like blasting the embassy with loud rap and heavy metal music—he surrendered on January 3, 1990. He was arrested and flown to Miami to face drug trafficking charges. The number of civilian casualties of the U.S. invasion is still contested, but potentially numbered in the thousands. Panamian General Manuel Noriega (C) is brought on board a US military plane 3 January 1990 for a flight to Miami after his arrest. STF / Getty Images   Criminal Trials and Imprisonment Noriega was convicted of eight counts of drug trafficking in April 1992 and sentenced to 40 years in prison; his sentence was later reduced to 30 years. Throughout the trial, his defense team was prohibited from making mention of his longstanding relationship with the CIA. Nonetheless, he received special treatment in prison, serving his time in the presidential suite in Miami. He became eligible for parole after 17 years in prison due to good behavior, but several other countries were awaiting his release to indict him on other charges. Ousted Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega is shown in this Justice Department mug shot released by the U.S. Attorneys office in Miami.   Bettmann / Getty Images After a lengthy fight by Noriega to avoid extradition, the U.S. extradited Noriega to France in 2010 to face money laundering charges related to his dealings with Colombian drug cartels. He was convicted and sentenced to seven years. However, in late 2011, France extradited Noriega to Panama to face three 20-year sentences for the murder of three political rivals, including Spadafora; he had been convicted in absentia while in prison in the U.S. He was 77 years old at the time and in ill health. Death In 2015, Noriega issued a public apology to his fellow Panamanians for actions taken during his military regime, though he didnt admit to any specific crimes. In 2016 he was diagnosed with a brain tumor, and in early 2017 a Panamanian court ruled that he could prepare for and recover from surgery at home under house arrest. In March 2017, Noriega underwent surgery, suffered severe hemorrhaging, and was placed in a medically-induced coma. On May 29, 2017, Panamanian President Juan Carlos Varela announced the death of Manuel Noriega. Sources Manuel Noriega Fast Facts. CNN. https://www.cnn.com/2013/08/19/world/americas/manuel-noriega-fast-facts/index.html, accessed 8/2/19.Galvà ¡n, Javier. Latin American Dictators of the 20th Century: The Lives and Regimes of 15 Rulers. Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, Inc., 2013.Kempe, Frederick. Divorcing the Dictator: Americas Bungled Affair with Noriega. London: I.B. Tauris Co, Ltd., 1990.

My Achievements in Dynamic Leadership - 811 Words

Executive Summary: This assignment sets out my achievements from the course â€Å"Dynamic Leadership†. The course we studied combines interactive online learning and self- study of different articles, theories, and leadership-followership relationships. For the past eight weeks of study and beyond, we have been developing a wide range of skills to become an effective leader. These skills includes, understanding one’s self, the ability to motivate others and understand organizational culture and manage any ambiguity. We started off by evaluating our personal and professional transformation by analyzing strength and weaknesses, values and principles, decision-making ability and conflict resolution. We also explored the leadership in troubled times by evaluating what makes effective leadership, how they think, their management styles, and the impact on their followers and organization. The topics of study included: †¢ Key leadership concepts with application to authentic situation; †¢ Personal leadership and competency assessment; personal and professional development planning; †¢ And some ethical values - based leadership decision-making skills. These activities will benefit my organization in the future by practical application of the acquired skills sets and transfer of knowledge. I believe this is an important part of my development as an Associated Director of my firm and as a future leader. The contents and assignments that has helped meShow MoreRelatedPrincipals Leadership Style Indirect Influence Studentssuccess1365 Words   |  6 PagesResearch Paper Does principal’s leadership style indirect influence students’ success in elementary schools? Introduction The leadership style of school’s principals in U.S. elementary schools plays an indirect role in the academic success of students when is implicit a transformational approach in the principal’s behavior. 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Should Mothers Stay at Home and Look After Their Children free essay sample

He tried to create a new science of society, which would not only explain the past of mankind but also predict its future course. This social scientist is known for his achievements and theories. He is known for his contribution to Sociology. His contribution of Sociology can be divided into five categories. They are: 1) Classification and ordering of social sciences, 2) the nature, method and scope of sociology, 3) the law of three stages, 4) the plan for social reconstruction 5)Positivism. Auguste Comte was the first person to announce Law of Three stages, which became the main aim of his thought. By all means, this famous law had been borrowed from R. J. Turgot, Y. B. Vico and Saint-Simon. The law states that human thought has undergone three separate stages in its evolution and development. According to him human thought as well as social progress pass through three important stages. These three stages are the universal law of human progress. We will write a custom essay sample on Should Mothers Stay at Home and Look After Their Children? or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The three stages are: 1) Theological or Fictitious stage 2) Metaphysical or Abstract stage 3) Positive or Scientific stage. Hardships Comte faced In 1814, Comte enrolled in the Ecole Polytechnique. He was kicked out for leading a protest before graduating and settled in Paris with no one to support him. Comte presented a lot of lectures to a group of French intellectuals in 1826, but about one-third of the way through lectures; he had a horrible breakdown and had to go through periodic hospitalization for 15 years earlier to the breakdown. In 1847, he divorced his wife after a painful 17 year relationship. Fame and fortune Conte did attain fame and fortune from his studying career. He was proved to be a wonderful mathematician and scientist. He attended school and became an academic genius and required fame and fortune from that. Interesting aspects Comte’s life goal was to explain the past and predict the future. He desired harmony, well being, comfort, and peace for society. By the age of 14, he decided to stop believing in God. Eventually, he abandoned his family’s political views and became a republican. These changes put struggle and stress on his family ties. My opinion of Auguste Comte Auguste Comte was a brilliant mathematician, French philosopher, and publican. I believe that he really had such an impact on the world. He did not only make an impact in the scientific fields, but also his theories effect us in the way we see the world now. Why did I choose Auguste Comte? I chose Auguste Comte because it would be interesting to look into the founder of sociology. He spent much of his life developing a philosophy for a new social order during all the chaos and uncertainty that was happening in his life. I really like his goal for society which was that: individuals and nations could live in harmony and comfort, and he was the first to look into this model. http://www. footytube. com/video/arsenal-norwich-city-apr13-170554

The Role of The Emperor in Meiji Japan Analysis Essay Example For Students

The Role of The Emperor in Meiji Japan Analysis Essay Japan is a society whose culture is steeped in the traditions andsymbols of the past: Mt. Fuji, the tea ceremony, and the sacred objects ofnature revered in Shintoism. Two of the most important traditions and symbols inJapan; the Emperor and Confucianism have endured through Shogunates,restorations of imperial rule, and up to present day. The leaders of the MeijiRestoration used these traditions to gain control over Japan and further theirgoals of modernization. The Meiji leaders used the symbolism of the Emperor toadd legitimacy to their government, by claiming that they were ruling under theImperial Will. They also used Confucianism to maintain order and force theJapanese people to passively accept their rule. We will write a custom essay on The Role of The Emperor in Meiji Japan Analysis specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now Japanese rulers historically have used the symbolism of the ImperialInstitution to justify their rule. The symbolism of the Japanese Emperor is verypowerful and is wrapped up in a mix of religion (Shintoism) and myths. Accordingto Shintoism the current Emperor is the direct descendent of the Sun Goddess whoformed the islands of Japan out of the Ocean in ancient times.Footnote1According to these myths the Japanese Emperor unlike a King is a livingdescendent of the Gods and even today he is thought of as the High Priest ofShinto. Despite the powerful myths surrounding Japans imperial institution theEmperor has enjoyed only figure head status from 1176 on. At some points duringthis time the Emperor was reduced to selling calligraphy on the streets of Kyototo support the imperial household, but usually the Emperor received money basedon the kindness of the Shogunate.Footnote2 But despite this obvious powerimbalance even the Tokugawa Shogun was at least symbolically below the Emperorin s tatus and he claimed to rule so he could carry out the Imperialrule.Footnote3 Within this historical context the Meiji leaders realized that theyneeded to harness the concept of the Imperial Will in order to governeffectively. In the years leading up to 1868 members of the Satsuma and Choshuclans were part of the imperialist opposition. This opposition claimed that theonly way that Japan could survive the encroachment of the foreigners was torally around the Emperor.Footnote4 The Imperialists, claimed that the TokugawaShogunate had lost its imperial mandate to carry out the Imperial Will becauseit had capitulated to Western powers by allowing them to open up Japan to trade. During this time the ideas of the imperialists gained increasing support amongJapanese citizens and intellectuals who taught at newly established schools andwrote revisionist history books that claimed that historically the Emperor hadbeen the ruler of Japan.Footnote5 The fact that the Tokugawas policy of openingup Japan to the western world ran counter to the beliefs of the Emperor and wasunpopular with the public made the Tokugawa vulnerable to attack from theimperialists. The imperialists pressed their attack both militarily and fromwithin the Court of Kyoto. The great military regime of Edo which until recentlyhad been all powerful was floundering not because of military weakness, orbecause the machinery of government had broken but instead because the Japanesepublic and the Shoguns supporters felt they had lost the Imperial Will.Footnote6 The end of the Tokugawa regime shows the power of the symbolism andmyths surrounding the imperial institution. The head of the Tokugawa clan d iedin 1867 and was replaced by the son of a lord who was a champion of Japanesehistorical studies and who agreed with the imperialists claims about restoringthe Emperor.Footnote7 So in 1868 the new shogun handed over all his power to theEmperor in Kyoto. Shortly after handing over power to the Emperor, the EmperorKomeo died and was replaced by his son who became the Meiji Emperor.Footnote8Because the Meiji Emperor was only 15 all the power of the new restored Emperorfell not in his hands but instead in the hands of his close advisors. Theseadvisers such as Prince Saionji, Prince Konroe, and members of the Satsuma andChoshu clans who had been members of the imperialist movement eventually woundup involving into the Meiji Bureaucracy and Genro of the Meiji Era.Footnote9Once in control of the government the Meiji Leaders and advisors to the Emperorreversed their policy of hostility to Foreigners.Footnote10 They did thisbecause after Emperor Komeo (who was strongly opposed to contact wi th the west)died in 1867 the Meiji Emperors advisors were no longer bound by his ImperialWill. Being anti-western also no longer served the purposes of the Meijiadvisors. Originally it was a tool of the imperialist movement that was used toshow that the Shogun was not acting out the Imperial Will. Now that the Shogunand Komeo Emperor were dead there was no longer a reason to take on anti-foreignpolicies. The choice of the imperial thrown by the imperialists as a point forJapan to rally around could not have been more wise. Although the imperialinstitution had no real power it had universal appeal to the Japanese public. Itwas both a mythic and religious idea in their minds.Footnote11 It provided theJapanese in this time of chaos after coming in contact with foreigners a beliefin stability (according to Japanese myth the imperial line is a unbroken lineagehanded down since time immortal), and it provided a belief in the naturalsuperiority of Japanese culture.Footnote12 The symbolism of the Emperor helpedensure the success of the restorationists because it undercut the legitimacy ofthe Shogunates rule, and it strengthened the Meiji rulers who claimed to actfor the Emperor. What is a great paradox about the Imperialists claims to restore thepower of the Emperor is that the Meiji rulers did not restore the Emperor topower except symbolically because he was both too young and his advisors topower hungry.Footnote13 By 1869 the relationship between the Emperor and hisMeiji bureaucracy and the Emperor and the Tokugawa Shogun before the restorationwere very similar. Both the Meiji Bureaucrats and the Shogun ruled under theauthority of the Emperor but did not let the Emperor make any decisions. InJapan the Emperor reigned but did not rule. This was useful for the new Meijibureaucrats, it kept the Emperor a mythic and powerful symbol.Footnote14 The traditions and symbols of Confucianism and the Imperial Institutionwere already deeply ingrained in the psyche of the Japanese but the new Meijirulers through both an education system, and the structure of the Japanesegovernment were able to effectively inculcate these traditions into a newgeneration of Japanese. Th e education system the Meiji Oligarchy foundedtransformed itself into a system that indoctrinated students in the ideas ofConfucianism and reverence for the Emperor.Footnote15 After the death of Okuboin 1878; Ito, Okuma, and Iwakura emerged as the three most powerful figuresamong the young bureaucrats that were running the government in the name of theMeiji Emperor. Iwakura one of the only figures in the ancient nobility to gainprominence among the Meiji oligarchy allied with Ito who feared Okumasprogressive ideas would destroy Japans culture.Footnote16 Iwakura it is thoughtwas able manipulate the young Emperor to grow concerned about the need tostrengthen traditional morals. Thus in 1882 the Emperor issued the Yogaku Koyo,the forerunner of the Imperial Rescript on Education.Footnote17 This documentput the emphasis of the Japanese education system on a moral education from 1882onward. Previous to 1880 the Japanese education system was modeled on that ofthe French education system. After 1880 the Japanese briefly modeled theireducation system on the American system.Footnote18 However, starting with theYogaku Koyo in 1882 and ending with the 1885 reorganization of the department ofEducation along Prussian lines the American model was abolished. The neweducation minister Mori Arinori after returning from Europe in 1885 with Ito wasconvinced that the Japanese education system had to have a spiritual foundationto it.Footnote19 In Prussia Arinori saw that foundation to be Christianity andhe decreed that in Japan the Education system was to be based on reverence forthe Imperial Institution. A picture of the Emperor was placed in every classroom,children read about the myths surrounding the Emperor in school, and theylearned that the Emperor was the head of the giant family of Japan.Footnote20 Bythe time the Imperial Rescript on Education was decreed by the Emperor in 18 89the Japanese education system had already begun to transform itself into asystem that did not teach how to think but instead what to think. The ImperialRescript on Education in 1889 was according to Japanese scholars such as HughBorton , the nerve axis of the new order.Footnote21 Burton believes that theImperial Rescript on Education signaled the rise of nationalistic elements inJapan. The Imperial Rescript on Education was the culmination of this wholemovement to the right. The Rescript emphasized loyalty and filial piety, respectfor the constitution and readiness to serve the government. It also exalted theEmperor as the coeval between heaven and earth.Footnote22 The Constitution of 1889 like the changes in the education systemhelped strengthen reverence for the Imperial Institution. The 1889 constitutionwas really the second document of its kind passed in Japan the first being theImperial Oath of 1868 in which the Emperor laid out the structure and who was tohead the new Meiji government.Footnote23 This Imperial Oath was refereed to as aconstitution at the time but it only very vaguely laid out the structure ofgovernment. The constitution promulgated by the Emperor in 1889 did much morethen lay out the structure of Japanese government it also affirmed that theEmperor was the supreme sovereign over Japan.Footnote24 The signing ceremonyitself was an auspicious event on the way to it Mori Arinori one of the moderateleaders of the Meiji government was attacked and killed by a crazedrightist..Footnote25 The ceremony itself evoked both the past and present andwas symbolic of the Meiji governments shift toward the right and the governmentsuse of theEmperor as supreme ruler. Before signing the document Emperor Meiji prayed atthe palace sanctuary to uphold the name of his imperial ancestors he then signedthe constitution which affirmed the sanctity of the Emperors title (TennoTaiken), and his right to make or abrogate any law.Footnote26 The constitutionalso set up a bicameral legislature.Footnote27 The constitution codified thepower of the Emperor and helped the Meiji oligarchy justify their rule becausethey could point to the constitution and say that they were carrying out thewill of the Emperor. The Meiji Emperor even after the Constitution of 1889enjoyed little real power. The Meiji Emperor did not even come to cabinetmeetings because his advisors told him if the cabinet made a decision that wasdifferent then the one he wanted then that would create dissension and woulddestroy the idea of the Imperial Institution. So even after the MeijiConstitution the Emperor was still predominantly a symbol.Footnote28 TheConstitution ingrained in Japanese society the idea that the government wasbeing run by higher forces who new better then the Japanese people, it alsobroadened the base of support of the Meiji Rulers who now had a document tooprove they were acting on Imperial Will and their decisions were imperialdecisions not those of mere mortals.F ootnote29 The symbolism of the Emperor and use of Confucianism allowed the Meijirulers to achieve their goals. One of their goals was the abolishment of thesystem of fiefs and return of all land to the Emperor. At first the new MeijiRulers allied themselves with the Daimyo clans in opposition to the TokugawaShogun. But once the Meiji leaders had gained a control they saw that they wouldneed to abolish the fief system and concentrate power in the hands of a centralgovernment. The Meiji rulers achieved their goals by having the Choshu, Satsuma,Tosa, and Hizen clans give up their lands, granting the Daimyos large pensionsif they gave up their clans, and by having the Emperor issue two decrees in July1869, and August 1871.Footnote30 The role and symbolism of the Emperor althoughnot the sole factor in influencing the Daimyo to give up their fiefs, was vital. .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 , .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .postImageUrl , .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 , .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2:hover , .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2:visited , .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2:active { border:0!important; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2:active , .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2 .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u0a0380355de87351ce1cd053c4948ef2:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: French Revolution EssayThe Meiji Oligarchs said that not turning in the fiefs to the Emperor would bedisloyal and pointed to the historical record which Meiji scholars claimedshowed that historically all fiefs were the property of the Emperor.Footnote31They showed this by claiming that the Shogun would switch the rulers of fiefsand this proved that the Daimyos did not control the title to their land butmerely held it for the Emperor. Imperial decrees and slogans of loyalty to theEmperor also accompanied the abolishment of the Samurai system.Footnote32 In theabolishment of both these feudal systems the symbolism of the Emperor as boththe director of the initiative and recip ient of the authority afterwards playeda vital role in ensuring there success.Footnote33 The abolishment of fiefs and the samurai class were essential for thestability and industrialization of Japan.Footnote34 Without the concentration ofland and power in the hands of the Meiji oligarchs and the Emperor the Meijioligarchs feared they would receive opposition from powerful Daimyos and nevergain control and authority over all of Japan. Historical examples bear out thefears of the Meiji Oligarchy; in 1467 the Ashikaga Shogun failed to control manyof the fiefs and because of this a civil war raged in Japan.Footnote35 Thecentralization of power allowed the Meiji government to have taxing authorityover all of Japan and pursue national projects.Footnote36 The unity of Japanalso allowed the Meiji Oligarchs to focus on national and not local issues. The use of Confucianism and the Emperor also brought a degree ofstability to Japan during the tumultuous Meiji years. The Emperors merepresence on a train or in western clothes were enough to convince the public ofthe safety or goodness of the Meiji oligarchys industrial policy. In one famousinstance the Japanese Emperor appeared in a train car and after that ridingtrains became a common place activity in Japan. The behavior of the Imperialfamily was also critical to adoption of western cultural practices. Before 1873most Japanese women of a high social position would shave their eyebrows andblacken their teeth to appear beautiful. But on March 3rd 1873 the Empressappeared in public wearing her own eyebrows and with unblackened teeth. Following that day most women in Tokyo and around Japan stopped shaving theireyebrows and blackening their teeth.Footnote37 The Imperial institution providedboth a key tool to change Japanese culture and feelings about industrializationand it provided s tability to Japan which was critical to allowingindustrialists to invest in factories and increase exports andproduction.Footnote38 The symbols and the traditions the Meiji leaders inculcated Japanesesociety with helped the Meiji government maintain stability and pursue itseconomic policies but it also had severe limitations that limited therevolutionary scope of the Japanese government and helped bring about thedownfall of the Meiji era. The use of Confucianism and the Emperor to bolsterthe Imperial restoration laid the foundation for a paradox of state affairs. Thesystem that sought to strengthen Japan through the use of modern technology andmodern organization methods was using traditional values to further itsgoals.Footnote39 This caused some to turn toward the west for theenlightenment the Meiji era promised this was the case with Okuma who waseventually forced out of the increasing nationalist Genro.Footnote40 For othersit lead them to severe nationalism rejecting all that was western. This was suchthe case of Saigo who believed till his death on his own sword that the Meijileaders were hypocritical and we re violating the Imperial Will by negotiatingand trading with the west.Footnote41 The Meiji government used the same symbolsand traditions that the Tokugawa used and like the Tokugawa gave the Emperor nodecision making power. The Meiji Emperor although he had supreme power asaccorded in the constitution never actually made decisions but was instead apawn of the Meiji Genro who claimed to carry out his Imperial Will. ThisImperial Will they decided for themselves. Like the Shogunate the Meijigovernments claim to rule for the Emperor was fraught with problems. TheImperial Will was a fluid idea that could be adopted by different parties underchanging circumstances. And just like the Meiji rulers were able to topple theShogun by claiming successfully that they were the true administrators of theImperial Will; the militarist elements in the 1930s were able to topple thedemocratic elements of Japan partially by claiming the mantle of ruling for theEmperor.Footnote42 From this perspective the Meiji O ligarchs building up of theImperial Myth was a fatal flaw in the government. The constitution which says inarticle I, The empire of Japan shall be governed over by a line of Emperorsunbroken for ages eternal gave to whoever was acting on the Imperial Willabsolute right to govern.Footnote43 The symbols of the Emperor and the tradition of Confucianism did notend with the end of the Meiji era or world war two. Today the idea of filialpiety is still strong, multiple generations of a family still usually livetogether even in cramped Japanese housing. The religion of Shinto that the Meijileaders rej uvenated during their rule in order to help foster the imperial cultis still thriving as the thousands of Tori gates and Shrines around Japanattest.Footnote44 But the most striking symbol to survive is that of the Emperorstripped after world war two of all power the Emperor of Japan is still revered. .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d , .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .postImageUrl , .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d , .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d:hover , .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d:visited , .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d:active { border:0!important; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d:active , .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u0d5fc2a694d611817d091f52a2641b6d:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Introduction For A Gun Control EssayDuring the illness of Emperor Showa in 1989 every national newspaper andtelevision show was full of reports related to the Emperors health. During thesix months the Showa Emperor was sick before he died all parades and publicevents were canceled in respect for the Emperor. Outside the gates of theImperial palace in Tokyo long tables were set up where people lined up to signcards to wis h the Emperor a speedy recovery. The news media even kept the typeof illness the emperor had a secret in deference to the Emperor. At his deathafter months of illness it was as if the Imperial Cult of the Meiji era hadreturned. Everything in Japan closed d own , private television stations went asfar as to not air any commercials on the day of his death. And now almost sixyears after his death more then four hundred and fifty thousand people trekannually to the isolated grave site of Emperor Showa.Footnote45 The traditions and symbolism of Confucianism and the Emperor werecritical to the Meiji oligarchs gaining control of power and goals ofindustrialization. The oligarchy inculcated the Japanese public with thesetraditional values through an education system that stressed moral learning, andthrough a constitution that established the law of Japan to be that of theImperial Will. The values of Confucianism and symbol of the Emperor allowed theMeiji government to peaceful gain control of Japan by appealing to history andthe restoration of the Emperor. But the Meiji oligarchs never restored theEmperor to a position of real political power. Instead he was used as a tool bythe oligarchs to achieve their modernization plans in Japan such as theabolishment of fiefs, the end of the samurai, the propagation of new culturalpractices, and pubic acceptance of the Meiji oligarchs industrializationpolicies. The symbols and traditions of Japans past are an enduring legacy thathave manifested themselves in the Meiji Restoration and today in Japanscontinued reverence for the Emperor. Footnote1Hidejiro Nagata, A Simplified Treatise on The Imperial House of Japan (Tokyo:Hakubunkwan, 1921) 47. Footnote2Takatsu Kuwasaburo, The History of The Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Dai Nippon ToshoKabushiki Kwaisha, 1893) 206. Footnote3Ibid., 17. Footnote4Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan Past and Present (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 1987) 112. Footnote5Walter McLaren, A Political History of Japan During the Meiji Era 1867-1912 (NewYork: Scribner and Sons, 1916) 32. Footnote6Shusuke Sato, Some Historical Phases of Modern Japan (New York: Japan Society,1916) 4. Footnote7Walter McLaren, A Political History of Japan During the Meiji Era 1867-1912 (NewYork: Scribner and Sons, 1916) 44. Footnote8Louis Allen, Japan the Years of Triumph (London: Purnell and Sons, 1971) 8. Footnote9David Titus, Palace and Politics in Prewar Japan (New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1974) 55Footnote10Peter Duus, The Rise of Modern Japan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1976) 73. Footnote11Hidejiro Nagata, A Simplified Treatise on The Imperial House of Japan (Tokyo:Hakubunkwan, 1921) 142. Footnote12Ibid., 35. Footnote13Stephen Large, The Japanese Constitutional of 1889 (London: Suntory-ToyotaInternational Centre, 1989) 27. Footnote14Walter McLaren, A Political History of Japan During the Meiji Era 1867-1912 (NewYork: Scribner and Sons, 1916) 70. Footnote15Peter Duus, The Rise of Modern Japan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1976)116. Footnote16Ernest Best, Christian Faith and Cultural Crisis the Japanese Case (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1966) 108. Footnote17Ibid., 105. Footnote18Ibid., 106. Footnote19Ibid., 106. Footnote20Peter Duus, The Rise of Modern Japan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1976)117. Footnote21Hugh Borton, Japans Modern Century (New York: Ronald Press, 1955) 524. Footnote22Peter Duus, The Rise of Modern Japan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1976)118. Footnote23Walter McLaren, A Political History of Japan During the Meiji Era 1867-1912 (NewYork: Scribner and Sons, 1916) 69. Footnote24Hidejiro Nagata, A Simplified Treatise on The Imperial House of Japan (Tokyo:Hakubunkwan, 1921) 60. Footnote25Ian Nish, The Japanese Constitutional of 1889 (London: Suntory-ToyotaInternational Centre, 1989) 9. Footnote26Walter McLaren, A Political History of Japan During the Meiji Era 1867-1912 (NewYork: Scribner and Sons, 1916) 193. Footnote27Ibid., 192. Footnote28Stephen Large, The Japanese Constitutional of 1889 (London: Suntory-ToyotaInternational Centre, 1989) 27. Footnote29Hidejiro Nagata, A Simplified Treatise on The Imperial House of Japan (Tokyo:Hakubunkwan, 1921) 89. Footnote30Walter McLaren, A Political History of Japan During the Meiji Era 1867-1912 (NewYork: Scribner and Sons, 1916) 77. Footnote31Ibid., 78. Footnote32Ibid., 77. Footnote33Ibid., 83. Footnote34Ibid., 82. Footnote35Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan Past and Present (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 1987) 66. Footnote36Peter Duus, The Rise of Modern Japan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1976)117. Footnote37Louis Allen, Japan the Years of Triumph (London: Purnell and Sons, 1971) 41. Footnote38Peter Duus, The Rise of Modern Japan (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1976) 84. Footnote39Ibid., 119. Footnote40Ibid., 88. Footnote41Ibid., 94-95. Footnote42Edwin O. Reischauer, Japan Past and Present (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 1987) 166. Footnote43Ibid., 167. Footnote44Ibid., 13. Footnote45Stephen Large, The Japanese Constitutional of 1889 (London: Suntory-ToyotaInternational Centre, 1989) 20. Category: History